Sunday, May 27, 2012

PG001(col. 215-218): First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians: Chapter 4.

(From the 1765 Venice edition of  André Galland's "Library of the Ancient Fathers", Tome 1, folio-size, p. 9)
Author:  André Galland
Googlebooks PDF: PG001

[For convenience, I have italicized the long biblical quotation]

Chapter 4

     For thus it has been written: "And it happened after <some> days, Cain brought from the fruits of the earth a sacrifice to God;and Abel also himself brought from the firstborn of the sheep and from their fat.  And God looked[[20]] upon Abel and upon his gifts; but upon Cain and upon his sacrifices he did not attend.  And Cain was aggrieved exceedingly[[21]],  and he fell <with respect to his face>.  And God said to Cain: 'Why did you become deeply grieved?  And why did your face fall?  Did you not, if you rightly[[22]] offered, but not rightly divided, sin?  Be silent.  Towards you <is> his turning back, and you will rule over him.'  And then Cain <said> to Abel his brother: 'Let us go to the field'.  And it happened in their <being> in the field, Cain rose up upon Abel his brother and slew him."[[53c]][[B]]  See, brothers, envy and jealousy achieved[[23]] fratricide.  Because of envy our father[[24]] Jacob[[54c]] fled away[[25]] from the face of Esau his brother.  Envy made Joseph be persecuted[[55c]] as far as death, and enter as far as slavery.  Envy brought Moses to take flight from the face of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, in <his hearing> from <the people of his race>: 'Who established you as judge or[[E]] umpire over us?  <Is it> not <that> to kill me you wish, <according to> which manner yesterday you killed the Egyptian?'[[56c]]  Because of envy[[26]] Aaron and Mariam[[27]] lodged outside of the encampment[[57c]].  Envy pulled down[[58c]] Dathan and Abiron to Hades because of <their quarreling> against the attendant of God, Moses.  Because of envy David held jealousy[[28]], <and> was persecuted not only by foreigners, but also by Saul, king of Israel.[[59c]]

53c. Genesis 4:3-8

54c. Genesis 27:41

55c. Genesis 37

56c. Exodus 2:14

57c. Numbers 12:4

58c. Numbers 16:33

59c. 1 Kings 18:8

20. "Looked": The manuscript <reads> thus.  The editions <read>: "looked"[[A]].--Gallandi

21. "Exceedingly": Thus Wotton <has> from the manuscript.  Thus also in the Septuagint.  But the editions have, "too much"[[C]].  From here <Henricus> Schotanus fell into error in <his> "Discourse on the authority of the translation of the 70 translators", chapter 4, page 108.--The same <sc. Gallandi>

22. "Did you not, if rightly [...] to the field": Pearson illuminates[[D]] this passage in <his> "Hortatory preface to the translation of the 70".--The same <sc. Gallandi>.

23. "<they> Achieved": Thus <reads> the Alexandrian manuscript.  And soon, "to take flight".  [The Imperial Codices][[F]] <have>, "<it> escape".--The same <sc. Gallandi>

24. By this manner of speaking Clement seems to indicate that he rather is descended from the stock of Jacob than from the race of Caesar; and so is Jewish, not Roman.  However, Eucherius in <his> epistle to Valerian thinks otherwise.  Also, perhaps Clement calls Jacob 'our Father' in the sense in which Paul <in> Romans 9 teaches that the sons of the promise are considered as the seed of Abraham and Israel, and from that <fact> he names them "Israel of God" <in> Galatians 6:16.--Coustant

25. "Fled away": Hesychius explains <this as> "he escaped"[[G]].--Colomiès

26. As only Mariam <was> covered with leprosy, thus also Scripture mentions her <as> the one excluded from the camp.--Coustant

27. "Aaron and Mariam": Regarding Mariam it is established from the sacred text that she was excluded from the camp, <but> regarding Aaron not likewise; but sacred letters, when they speak about many things, generally are accustomed to bring forth those things which are in fact suitable to only a part.  Thus regarding the thieves <it is> said <in> Matthew 27:44 that both maligned the Lord, whereas the divine Luke distinctly proclaims that only one was in that offense.  Thus the divine Luke and John say that the mocking soldiers offered vinegar to the Lord.  The divine Matthew tells that one of them presented it.  Thus the divine Paul reports that Christ after his resurrection appeared to the twelve, whereas however neither Judas, who had finished <his> life by hanging, nor in fact Peter, nor Thomas, nor James <at that time> were present.  By a similar usage in the Epistle to the Hebrews about many things it is said that they closed the mouths of lions and were cut apart with a saw, of which however one pertains to only Daniel, the other to Isaiah.--Fell

28. "David held jealousy": Perhaps, "underwent" <should be read>.--Young

     Nothing should be changed, since "to hold jealousy" is a properly Greek phrase, and it means "to be envied", as will teach H. Stephanus in <his> "Thesaurus", from Aristides and Isocrates.--Leclerc

My Notes
A. The difference here is that the manuscript form is missing the temporal augment.

B. This passage differs from the Masoretic Hebrew text.

C.  These two words (lian and agan) mean pretty much the same thing, and they are similar enough in form that they may have been easily interchanged either during transcription or translation.

D. Pearson doesn't say much more than that in order to properly understand the writings of the Church Fathers who commonly quoted from it, one must be familiar with the Septuagint because its text sometimes differs from the Hebrew (and hence, from the Vulgate as well).

E. There is apparently a variant to correct this redundancy, "ruler and", in place of, "judge or".  The non-redundant reading follows the Hebrew.

F.  This is the best guess I can come up with for the abbreviation, "Codd. impp.", although I have no idea to which codices it might refer, given that the Alexandrian text was the only extant copy of this epistle during Gallandi's lifetime.  The only thing I can imagine this referring to is the preservation of this passage as a quotation or scholion in the codices of another author (e.g., Clement of Alexandria, Basil, etc.).

G.  The word in question is rare; hence, the testimony of Hesychius the lexicographer is invoked.

Monday, May 21, 2012

PG001(col. 213-216): First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians: Chapter 3.

(From the 1765 Venice edition of  André Galland's "Library of the Ancient Fathers", Tome 1, folio-size, p. 9)
Author:  André Galland
Googlebooks PDF: PG001

Chapter 3

     All good repute[[12]] and broadness[[13]] was given to you, and <what has been written>[[14]] was fulfilled: "The beloved ate and drank, and grew wide and grew thick, and <weaned>[[15]]."[[50c]]  From this <comes> jealously and envy[[16]], and strife, and discord, persecution and instability, war and captivity.  Thus the unhonored were roused against the honored, the inglorious against the glorious, the imprudent against the prudent, the young against the elders.[[51c]]  Because of this[[17]] far away is justice and peace,  in that each one abandons the fear of God, and is dim-sighted in his faith, nor journeys in the customs of his precepts, nor <lives as a citizen> according to <what is proper> to Christ[[18]], but each walks according to his wicked desires, having taken up[[19]] unjust and irreverent jealousy, through which also death entered the world.[[52c]]

50c. Deuteronomy 32:15

51c. Isaiah 3:5

52c. Wisdom 2:24

12. "All good repute": Up to here the Corinthians are praised, and their pious, holy, and religious customs are placed before <their> eyes, so that the censure on account of the vices into which they had declined would more sharply prick their souls.  "For the accusation even by itself <is certainly> sufficient to injure" (as Chrysostom <comments> on verse 2, chapter 11 of the first <epistle> to the Corinthians>, "but since is occurs in addition to the juxtaposition of others <who have succeeded> and <who are praised>, it has a greater sting."  Now, the transition is somewhat more abrupt, and for the sake of greater clarity certain things appear to be able to be added, as <though to say>, "But now <you have become> such from <having been> such"[[A]], or some such thing.  But Photius, the father of critics, in the "Ten-thousand book"[[B]], perceived this several centuries before us, <he> who in this genuine <epistle> and also that other epistle which was falsely passed off under the name of Clement, <makes a pretext that> certain "thoughts" <are> "thrown about anyhow, and <are> not keeping a continuous <logical order>": for which reason we change or add nothing, but so that our Clement might be made more excused, beyond those things which above in the letter to the reader about the style of apostolic men we touched upon briefly and [with the fingertip<s>], it pleases here to append certain things about the diction and character of their times; later, although the occasion will rather often be offered, we <shall> put forth a deep silence.  In the infancy of the Church, the ancient Fathers' method of teaching and writing was plain, simple, and brief, prepared not for the delight of the ears, but for the salvation of souls: since indeed <they> placed faith not in "<skillful argument-finding>, but in exhibition of the divine Scriptures", as Cyril of Jerusalem says, <in> the fourth catechism: and they had hearers who were in need "of more childlike <things> and of a milky-warm introduction".  Hence, Methodius in <the writings of> Epiphanius <says>: "Formerly, therefore, <matters> about explanation were totally brief, <sc. the matters> of those striving eagerly not to delight, but to help those present."  Thus, Gregory Nazianzen <in> Oration 21 <says>: "It <once> was, when our affairs flourished and held well, when this prodigiousness, both tongue-entangled of theology and artificial, neither had an entrance to the divine courts".  Hence, Jerome <says> of Didymus: "<He> is inexpert of speech, and not of knowledge, representing an apostolic man from <his> very speech, as much by the reason of <his> meanings as by the simplicity of <his> words"; which also Didymus himself near the end of his tractate on the holy Spirit does not blush to say of himself.  In fact, even the apostles were considered "uncivilized, unlearned, unlettered, and witless", as Chrysostom <says> <in> homily 3 on the <first> Epistle to the Corinthians; and in his preface to <the epistle> to the Romans: "Nothing <was> more unlearned than Peter, nothing more ignorant than Paul; and this he himself agreed and was not ashamed saying: 'But even if <I am> a fool in speech, yet not in knowledge'" (2 Cor 11:6).  And in <his> exposition of psalm 46, he calls them "fools", "inarticulate", "uncivilized", "one-tunicked", "unshod", "naked", and "more speechless than fish".  Thus Gregory of Nyssa <says> at that <phrase> of the Psalmist, "Out of the mouth of babes" (Psalm 8:3), as is in our Catena on the Psalms: "Otherwise was also the style of the apostles; for although these very much <were> fools and more speechless than fish themselves, they <hauled up in a net> the entire inhabited world."  Thus Theodoret <says> on the curing of the <passions> of the Greeks, <in> sermon 8, on the writings of the apostles: "For indeed the compositions of these <apostles>, <while they were> at any rate simple and stripped of Hellenic splendor and refinement, even then both small and few they to all men were worthy of love."  Thus Basil to Libanius: "But we, O admirable one, are with Moses and Elijah and the other thus blessed men, discoursing to me from barbarous speech their affairs, <and> we speak out the <things we received> from them, true meaning, but unlearned diction."  Thus Jerome on chapter 3 to the Ephesians: "Whensoever we observe solecisms or some such, we are not striking the apostle, as the spiteful make accusations, but we are more the apostle's defender, because the Hebrew from among the Hebrews and away from the brilliance of rhetorical speech and composition of words and beauty of eloquence, never would have wanted" [perhaps, 'would have succeeded'][[C]] "<in leading over> the whole world to the faith of Christ, unless he had evangelized it not in the wisdom of word, but in the virtue of God"; and in the same place a little later: "He, therefore, who makes solecisms in words, who cannot render hyperbaton and finish off a sentence, audaciously claims wisdom for himself".  See the epistle of the same <sc. Jerome> to Algasia, where he notes the convoluted meanings, entangled expression, and lack of skill of grammatical art in Paul, and that that saying, "Although <I am> unskilled in speech, but not in knowledge", he affirms <was> brought forth by him <sc. Paul> not regarding humility, but regarding truth of <self-consciousness>.  But these things up to here <are> perhaps more than was suitable.--The same <sc. Young>

13.  "Broadness", as Cyril in our Catena on Psalms interprets, is "Cheerfulness" [perhaps, abundance][[D]] "of affairs, and open space".  For Corinth in those times, as Chrysostom <recounts> in <his> argument <on> the first Epistle to the Corinthians, was a great city "and populous, and wondrous on account of wealth and wisdom, and the head of Greece.  For the <affairs> of the Athenians and the Lacedaimonians were then faring wretchedly, <priority> having been transferred long ago."--The same <sc. Young>

14. "Weaned":  Read with Colomiès and others, "kicked away".--Gallandi

     "Weaned": "Kicked away" should be substituted, although it is most well-known that infants taken away from the breasts are impudent, troublesome, querulous, and implacable.  Now, in this passage let it be once observed that Clement, in praising the sacred Scriptures, imitates the apostles, who repeatedly would render meanings more than words; nor indeed <would they do> that distinctly and separately, but confusedly and as if [<with> <their> decisions plucked out through gleaning].  Nor so much from Hebrew sources as <from> the Translation of the 70 <which is> profuse and perhaps less clear, but more suitable and set forth to all to draw up.--Fell

15. "The beloved ate, and drank, and grew wide and grew thick, and kicked away": Not much differently the blessed Chrysostom <in> homily 1 on Genesis thus cites: "The beloved ate and drank, and grew fat and grew thick, and kicked away".--Cotelier

16. "and envy": Thus <reads> Wotton from the manuscript.  The editions omit those <words> which nevertheless Young's translation acknowledges: jealously, envy, strife.--Gallandi

17. "Because of this": We translate: "On account of this cause, far away are absent justice and peace, because each one," etc.  Young <translates>: "From here <it> is that, <with> justice far away being exiled and peace, each one <...>."  We step back somewhat from the translation of the most learned man so that the mind of the author can more expressly be manifest; who renders this most useful pronouncement against the statement of the <secular world>; <that> care of morals and civil peace fall to the ground, <when> piety <has been> previously despised.--Fell

18. "to Christ": Although this reading is approved by Wotton, it nevertheless displeases Davies, which for that reason he thus supplies: "to <one who is> in Christ", a phrase <which is> utilized here and there by the Apostle.--Gallandi

     "proper to Christ":  [<Although>] perhaps "to a Christian" should be read, nevertheless "suitable" is the same as "becoming", as Clement of Alexandria <says in> "Pedagogy", book 1, where from the school of the Stoics he defines "suitable" to be "<what is set straight> according to the obedience of the word".--Young

19. "Having taken up": Wotton would prefer: "each one...having taken up"[[E]].  But that nothing should be changed, those words persuade: Matthew 26:22 : "<They> began to speak...each one".  Acts 2:6 : "<They> were listening, each one".  And [<compare>] <Acts 2:>8 : "And how we each listen";  Thus elsewhere here and there a collective noun <in the singular> is found joined to a plural verb.--Gallandi

     "Having taken up unjust and irreverent jealousy": Perhaps he says "having taken up" <with> respect had towards the sedition born in the time of the divine Paul; about whom near the end of the epistle he <purposefully> discusses; such the the meaning <here> is, that those <Corinthians> are again reverted to iniquitous and impious envy.  See 1 Cor 11.  Furthermore, a reason is to be had for the particle "<also>", which immediately follows, "through which also death entered the world".[[F]]--Fell

My Notes
A. If this is a quote, I haven't found it.  But it may just be a statement of a general principle of Greek though.  Variants of the phrase, "οἵα ἐξ οἵων", "such from such", do appear at various points in Greek literature to indicate a transition from one state to another.  In particular, cf. Aristotle's quotation of Iphicrates in book 1, chapter 9 of "Rhetoric".

B. Also known as the "Library".

C.  The difference between the two words is of one letter, and Young's emendation makes patent sense.

D. The difference between the two words is of two middle letters, and Young's emendation makes more sense.

E. The difference is that the note's headword in the text is plural and therefore grammatically modifies "desires".  The deletion of the final sigma would change it to singular, thus capable of modifying "each <person>".  But as Gallandi demonstrates (cf. note 19), grammatical correspondence in number appears not to be especially strict in the New Testament, and so perhaps neither is it so among other authors of the early church.

F.  Fell's argument appears to interpret the Greek verb as meaning, "to take up again".  This is indeed another meaning of "analambanw", but it doesn't seem especially necessary here.  As for his argument about the particle "kai", I don't see what he's trying to say.

PG001(col. 209-212): First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians: Chapter 2.

(From the 1765 Venice edition of  André Galland's "Library of the Ancient Fathers", Tome 1, folio-size, p. 9)
Author:  André Galland
Googlebooks PDF: PG001

[From now on, footnotes for variants/emendations will also appear in [[double brackets]], but their numbers will contain an "e".  Similarly, cross-reference citations will contain a "c".  I apologize for the irregularity in footnoting, but I'm still working out the kinks in these first few pages of actual text.]

Chapter 2

     And you all were humble[[98]], boasting <in> nothing, being subject rather than subjecting, more gladly[[99]] giving[[100]] than taking; being satisfied[[1]] with the journey provisions of God, and heeding his words carefully[[2]], you had been [spread out][[3]][[B]] in <your> innermost parts[[C]], and his sufferings[[4]][[5]] were before your eyes.  Thus peace, deep and rich, had been given to all, and an insatiable desire towards good deeds, and a full pouring in of the holy Spirit happened upon all; and filled with holy counsel in good eagerness with reverent confidence you stretched out your hands toward the all-powerful God, propitiating him to become gracious[[6]], if you <somehow> unwillingly sinned.  <There> was a contest for you day and night concerning all brotherhood[[7]][[K]], the <being saved> with mercy and conscience[[8]], <of> the number of his elect.  You were simple and pure, and <remembering of evil>[[9]] towards each other.  All strife and all schism <was> loathsome to you; you lamented over nearby[[47e]] befallings; you judged their deficiencies <as your> own; you were unregretful towards all good-doing, <and> ready for every good work[[48c]].  Having been arrayed for all-virtuous and venerable citizenship, you completed everything in fear of him; the ordinances and the judgments[[10]] of the Lord had been written upon the tables of your heart[[49c]][[11]].

47e. Perhaps "of the" or "of those nearby"[[L]].

48c. Titus 3:1

49c. Proverbs 7:3

98. "You all were humble": I think our Clement here has looked back to the passage <of> 1 Peter 5:5, "and  you all, being subject to one another, <bound upon yourselves> humility." Whence later <he says>, "we being humble will put on unanimity," and here and there in this epistle he urges the Corinthians that they adorn themselves with humility and put on humility with concord: which <sc. humility> worthily by Basil is called the "treasury" of all virtues, and by Chrysostom the "mother, and root, and nourisher, and foundation, and bond of good things."--Young

99. "more gladly": In place of, "rather", which Young has [along with <other> editions], Wotton restored, "more gladly", from the manuscript.  Thus reads also Grabe.  Thus also Mill in the Prologue to the New Testament, note 140.  The reading clearly is closer to Acts 20:35.--Gallandi

100. "more gladly giving": <This> alludes to the passage <in> Acts 20:35: "Blessed is to give rather than to take."  Regarding which passage, Joseph, a Christian writer (whom we have copied out from a Cantabrigian manuscript codex), in his "Memorandum"[[A]], question 121, thus has: "Which are the testimonies by the apostles that <sc. testimonies> are at hand, of which we have no writings:  Matthew says at the settling of Joseph from <road up> out of Egypt to Nazareth with the Lord: 'And going, he settled <in> Nazareth, so that <what has been written> was fulfilled: "That he will be called a Nazarean".'  Paul in the <epistle> to the Ephesians says: 'Wherefore he says: "Awake, sleeper, and Christ will shine upon you";' and again: 'The first man <came into being> into a living soul, the second <man> into a life-making spirit.' and conversing with the presbyters in Miletus, he says: 'Remember that it is blessed to give rather than to take'."  Add to these, if it pleases, the passage of Chrystostom which we have extracted from the Greek Catena on Acts and the canonical Epistles, which is preserved in the Library of the new college of this Academy[[C]], and is by far different from that which came to light under the name of Oecumenius: "And where he said: 'Perhaps the apostles transmitted <without writing>, or from [those things which one might clearly infer].'  For also he indicated [<freedom of speech> <towards> dangers], sympathy towards <those being ruled>, education with <freedom of speech>, humility, <and> poverty.  But this is better than even poverty; for if there he says, 'Sell your possessions if you wish to be perfect'; [whenever in addition to taking nothing, one also feeds others, what is equal to this?]  Step one, throw away one's things; second, <be sufficient> to oneself; third, and to others; fourth, the <situation where> even one announcing <that he has power> to take, does not take, such that this one was much better than the poor."--Young

1. "Being satisfied with the journey provisions of God": Perhaps he understands the teaching of salvation drawn from sacred Scripture, as Basil to Meletius, epistle 56: "Helpful instructions, or journey provisions towards the present life and the future <life>."  Thus, Cyril of Jerusalem, <in> catechesis 5, wishes his catechumens to have faith engraved upon <their> hearts, "and to recall in speech itself", that is, to have in mind and memory the very words of the <creed>, "and to have a journey provision in every moment of life".  Or rather, "the things pertaining to life" towards nourishment and clothing necessarily are to be understood by the name "of the  journey provisions", as Paul <in> 1 Tim 6:8 <says>: "But having sustenance and clothing, we will be satisfied with these," and to the Hebrews 13:5 : "The manner is <not loving money>, being satisfied with present things."--The same <sc. Young>

2. "Heeding his words carefully". <Perhaps> "to <his> words"[[D]].  A passage follows whose meaning and elegance the learned translator <sc. Young> did not at all comprehend.  "you had been spread out in <your> innermost parts."  To Clement <those> spread out are <those> who to the Latins <are called> <those with a large chest>, men of broad and capacious chest.  It indeed far from doubt looks back to the words of the Apostle <in> 2 Corinthians 6:11 : "Our heart has been broadened.  You are not straitened in us, but you are straitened in your innermost parts.  But <regarding> the same recompense (as to children I speak), be broadened also you."  [[Lat. Trans. Om.]]  Regarding which one might suspect that the particle "in" fell out of the Clementine text.--Cotelier

     "Heeding <his> words": This entire passage is corrupt, and thus perhaps should be restored, "devoting <yourselves> to his words" (although "to heed" is found sometimes joined with the fourth case <sc. accusative> in this sense, as twice <in> the first chapter of Isaiah: "Heed the law of God," and, "not heeding the <legal case> of widows.") "carefully, which <words> had been <embraced>[[B]] by <your> innermost parts.  And their <sc. the words> knowledges" (that is, teachings, or instructions, that I might use the word of Cyprian) "were before your eyes."[[E]]--Young

3. "Spread out...<in> the": Others <have>, "embraced".  Cotelier <has>, "spread the".  See 2 Cor 6:12.--Gallandi

     "Spread out": To these words of Clement appears to allude the compiler of the "apostolic Constitutions" in the Introduction of the Work[[F]], when he says: "having embraced the fear of him", as Pearson advised, [in defense of] the epistles of Ignatius, page 63.--Colomiès

4.  "And his sufferings" (supply "of God" from the preceding <words>) "were before your eyes": Those <words> appear to have passed by the notice of the <most perspicacious> critic Photius[[G]]: whose judgment, sought from codex 126 of the Library, you have here in the testimonia of the ancients[[H]].--Cotelier

5. Evidently with whose[[I]] journey provisions he recently said they were satisfied.  Thus, as Cotelier observed, Clement does not hesitate to call the sufferings of Christ the sufferings of God: which <fact> escaped Photius; otherwise, <in> codex 126 he would not at all have noted that perhaps several would in this epistle censure it, <namely,> that Clement <in> naming Christ nowhere applied words more noble and suitable to God.  He only observes that no <words> slipped out of him which are opposed to that divine nature.  Now, from this passage the Nestorian heresy is openly anticipated and destroyed.--Coustant

6. "Gracious": To Wotton the word seems sufficiently suited to "to become", <with> a gracious mind; Others prefer "gracious"[[J]].--Gallandi

7. "concerning all brotherhood": Thus 1 Peter 2:17: "You love brotherhood".  Once under the law, not only <those> who had been born to the same parents, but <also those> who of the same tribe who were participants of the same [rites] and the same [language], were called brothers, as Barnabas [in fact, Clement of Alexandria himself][[M]] in <the writings of> Clement of Alexandria, "Miscellanies", <says>: "The law forbids to lend to a brother, calling brother not only one <being born> from the same parents, but also whoever is <of the same tribe> and [<of the same mind>], and having shared in the same language."   Thus in the primitive Church, when Christians were intermingled among themselves [in soul and spirit], and possessed all things undivided except wives, as Tertullian says[[N]], brothers were <thus> called and had on account of this "love and affection towards each other", in fact especially since they acknowledged one God the Father (as the same Tertullina in the "Apology"), had[[O]] one spirit of sanctity, and <experienced great agitation>[[P]] from the womb of the same ignorance to the one light of truth.  Thus Chrysostom <in> homily 25 <on> the epistle to the Hebrews, expounding verse 11, <chapter> 5 of the first <epistle> to the Corinthians, <says>: "<He says> 'brother' here <meaning> simply every believer, not <one living in solitude>; for what is <that which makes> brotherhood?  The washing of rebirth, the being able to call God Father, such that one the one hand the catechumen, although he be a <solitary monk>, <is> not a brother, but the believer, although he be of the world, is a brother; 'If anyone,' he says, 'being called brother'; for <there> was not a trace then of <one living in solitude>, but the blessed Paul discoursed all things towards those of the world."  From here <comes> in <the writings of> Cyprian the very frequent mention of brothers and of brotherhood, and that <phrase> repeated so many times at the end of <his> epistles: "Salute in my name universal brotherhood," and, "The brotherhood that is with you, very much from me salute."  O truly golden times, and customs most worthy of Christ and his sacrosanct name!  when unanimity in the Church flourished, and every Christian people was joined in solid unity of body by the glue of the closest concord.  <It is> by far otherwise in the most recent days and the world's senility (which is easier to lament than to correct) with quarrels and struggles in religion, which it would behoove to be a bond of peace.  The seamless and undivided cloak of Christ is torn into various parts, and his mystical body is by the divorce of connection separated (as Cyprian says) and, <with> the entrails torn by mangling, vainly plucked at.  All brotherhood today is extinguished, <and> the primeval unanimity is not only diminished, about which Cyprian complained in his times, but seems to have been thoroughly removed from the public.  "<May> the gods <give> better <things> to the pious!"[[P]]--Young

8. "Conscience": Others <have> "connection", or "mutual satisfaction".  I adhere to the manuscript with Wotton.  But I would rather translate, "by unanimous consent".  And that seems to have been the meaning of the holy Father, in order again <to blunt back> schism.  Clearly, Cotelier himself below <in> chapter 34 translated, "by conscience", <as>, "by common consent".--Gallandi

9. "remembering of evil": The manuscript's faulty read Wotton with others thus emended, "forgetful of evil". I would prefer with <Anton> Birr, "forgetful of all evil", that is: "Forgetful of every offense among you".  Or: "completely mutually remembering of no injury".  The holy Father certainly delights in compositions of this sort.  Thus he soon <says>: "for all-virtuous...citizenship"; <in> chapter 33, "by his most almighty power", and after a few, "the most eminent and almighty <thing> according to understanding"; <in> chapter 35, "the all-holy <one>"; <in> chapter 45, "by his all-virtuous name"; <in> chapter 57, "the all-virtuous wisdom"; etc.--The same <sc. Gallandi>

10. "And the judgments": These words which are absent from the editions, Wotton restored from the manuscript.  Bois also read them in his copy.  For thus he <says> in the notes at this passage[[Q]]: "I would prefer, 'in the fear of the Lord', so that then <in> the following line in place of, 'the judgments of the Lord', may be written, 'his judgments'."  In fact, Young also read those <words>, as is manifest from his translation, where <he> thus <writes>: "Commands and precepts of the Lord".--The same <sc. Gallandi>

11. "upon the tables of the heart": Thus <reads> Proverbs 7:3: "Inscribe upon the table of you heart", that is, "upon the breast"; however, I[[R]] rather think that our Clement has looked back to the stone tablets on which the laws were inscribed by the finger of God, and to the passage of the Apostle to the Corinthians 3:3 : "Not on stone tablets, but on fleshy tablets of the heart."  And Jeremiah 38:33 (Vulgate 31:33)[[S]], which passage Paul to the Hebrews twice praises: "Giving, I will give my laws to their understanding, and upon their heart I will write them."  Thus Cyril of Alexandria <says>, as is in the Catena on Psalms, <of the compiler Nicetas>, which we have <in manuscript form>, at verse 11, psalm 118: "In my heart I hid your sayings, that is, in the treasury of the soul I indelibly engraved the memory of your commandments, so that always seeing and remembering them I might not sin against you."  Where he renders an account <of> why the precepts of the Lord should be laid up in the intimate interiors of our hearts, he illustrates <it> with a most elegant simile taken from treasures and precious heirlooms.  Thus Cyril of Jerusalem <in> catechesis 5, on the dogmas of the faith, <says>: "In few verses we encompass the whole dogma of the faith, which indeed also in the same phrasing I want you to memorize, and among yourselves with all zeal to recite, not writing <them> out on papyrus rolls, but in your heart by memory inscribing <them>, keeping guard in <attentive practice>"; and a little later: "Look, therefore, brothers, and master the traditions which you now receive, and write them out on the table of your heart," where that by comparison <with the things above> "upon the tablets" ought to be replaced, we have observed in the margin of our book some years before, and <there> is not doubt that <it> thus should be read in this passage in <the writings of> Clement.--Young

My Notes
A.  This author is known as Joseph the Christian (not to be confused with the well-known Jewish author Flavius Josephus), and his work is known under the transliterated general document title, "Hypomnesticon", which is usually cited in the ablative case as, "Hypomnestico".  This work may be found in Migne, PG106, where he is also known as "Joseppus"[sic].

B. The Greek text reads "ἐστερνισμένοι", which is rendered into Latin as "dilatati", with Cotelier's explanation given in note 2.   Current editions of the text read "ἐνεστερνισμένοι", from the rare "ἐνστερνίζομαι", "I place in my breast" or " I enfold/embrace", which is attested by Hesychius in the aorist participle.  See notes 2 and 3 here regarding emendation and interpretation.

C.  This may be Pembroke College.

D. What is at issue here is which case the verb governs for its objects, and what the different shades of meaning correspondingly are.  In this situation, the accusative case would indicate the direct object of heeding, whereas the dative case would mean, "applying/devoting <yourself> to his words".  Also, the "his" is not being emended away; it merely falls outside the sequence of words considered for emendation.

E. Young indeed does make a number of alterations to this passage.  The reader is advised to examine the Greek for himself.

F.  The first portion of Book 1.

G. Coustant is referring to Photius's objection that Clement does not speak of Christ as God, which he evidently does in this passage (cf. note 5).

H. Migne reproduces the testimonia from Cotelier's edition, and I may eventually translate it here.

I.  The point here is that the antecedent for the genitive pronoun "his" is not immediately clear, but the closest explicit possibility is the genitive "of God" that modifies "journey provisions".

J. The difference in case does not translate well into English.  The issue here is whether or not the case changes from nominative to accusative in an indirect statement.  Everything I've been able to find in Smyth's grammar suggests the accusative is proper.  But this may be a difference between Koine and Attic.  Also, the identical nominative usage also occurs in 2 Maccabees 7:37, and it may also be explained in the following way: 1) With the accusative, the force would be, "propitiating that he become gracious", 2) whereas with the nominative, the force would be, "propitiating him to become gracious".  In other words, in the first option the propitiation sets up only one object, namely, the desired event, "that he become gracious".  The second option, however, introduces two objects, namely, a direct object of propitiation ("him") and the desired result of the propitiation ("to become gracious").

K.  Current editions have a "towards" here, which would make the following words into a purpose clause: "for the purpose of saving..."

L. Emendation to the genitive might convey a stronger sense of, "the shortcomings of <your> neighbors".  But the text  seems unobjectionable as it is.

M. This bracketed statement appears to be Migne's.

N.  The rest of this sentence is an almost verbatim adaptation from Tertullian's "Apology", chapter 39.

O.  One current edition I saw has "biberent", "they drank", in place of "haberent".  This would concord with Tertullian's vivid diction.

P. Vergil, Georgics, 3, 513.

Q.  The Latin, "ad h. l.", is for, "ad hunc locum".

R. My text of Migne has the misprint, "verum ergo", for "verum ego".

S.  This discrepancy in chapter placement between the Septuagint and the Vulgate is also reflected in the Masoretic Hebrew text, from an earlier version of which the Vulgate appears to have been translated.

Wednesday, May 9, 2012

PG001(col. 201-208): First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians: Chapter 1.

(From the 1765 Venice edition of  André Galland's "Library of the Ancient Fathers", Tome 1, folio-size, p. 9)
Author:  André Galland
Googlebooks PDF: PG001[Preliminary notes: Migne has the Greek alongside a Latin translation.  I omit the Latin.

[Curly brackets {} indicate emendational brackets in Migne's text.  For incompletely transmitted words, I will try to approximate the proportion of letters present in the text and balance that with the amount of uncertainty dispelled by the present letters.]

Chapter 1

     The {chu}rch of God[[80]], the one sojourning[[81]] <at> Rome, to the Church of God, the one so{journi}ng[[82]] <at> Corinth, to those called, san{ctifi}ed in the will of God, through o{ur Lord} Jesus Christ; to y{ou grace} and peace from the all{power}ful God through Jesus Christ be multiplied.  {On account of the} sudden[[83]] and successive<<42>> misfortunes[[84]] and befallings, {the ones happeni}ng to us[[85]], brothers, rather slowly[[86]] we {recog}nize[[87]] <that we> have ma{d}e[[88]] a turn about the matters inquired after {b}y you, brothers[[89]], and of the foreign to the chosen guests[[90]] of God, wicked, and unholy[[91]] sedition, which a few rash and stubborn persons beginning have flared up into so much of senselessness[[92]], such that your august and renowned and to all men worthy of love[[93]]name greatly <has been profaned><<43>>.  For who having sojourned by you did not approve of your completely excellent and secure faith? and did not marvel at <your> prudent and appropriate reverence in Christ? and did not proclaim your magnificent custom of hospitality? and did not bless <your> perfect <and> steadfast knowledge?  For you did everything <impartially>, and you walked <in> the laws[[94]] of God, being subject[[95]] to your leaders, and portioning out the proper respect to the elders among your; and to the young you enjoined[96]] to think moderate and august <things>; and to women you commanded to complete everything in blameless and august and chaste conscience, properly loving their men; and you taught them beginning in the rule of subjection, to augustly keep safe[[97]] the matters regarding the household, being especially prudent.

42. [Perhaps], "specifically and successively".

43. Clement of Alexandria cites this <in> book 4, "Miscellanies", page 516.

Notes[Greek, Latin]
80.  "The Church of God":  <I feel pity for> learned men, that led by the hatred of catholic truth and the zeal of vain heresy they think that through this superscription their error is assisted, by which <error> presbyters they <make equal> to bishops, because "no particular either mention of a writer, or privilege of the Roman clergy, or separation of the Corinthian presbyteriate from the people appears, but all <condensed together> write to all." (Cf. Blondel, "Apology for the opinion of Jerome")  But if they had wished to argue rightly from their principles, it behooved <them> to conclude that the same duty was for laymen and presbyters and bishops; and in this way to introduce the worst state of affairs, anarchy, against which Clement fights with the whole epistle.  But by this remarkable <process of reasoning> it will be brought about that Paul, since he writes Epistles together with Sosthenes, Timothy, Silvanus, and all the brothers, did not possess greater authority in the governing of the Church than the least of Christians.  Why, therefore, you will ask, since Clement with a bare head[[A]] could have given letters, did he prefer to hide under the person of the Church?  The response in simple" Since it was the common desire of the whole apostolic Church to discern <as> pacified the Church of the Corinthians founded also by Peter and Paul; and an enormous incentive to the Corinthians would be the very concord of the Romans writing <all> at once.  The apostolic custom of communicating with the entire Church which things would be done agrees <with this>, which <custom> endured also for a long time and did not diminish the hierarchical order.  Whence St. Cyprian, a most forceful defender of the episcopal hat, thus addresses his clergy, <in> epistle 5: "But to that which our co-presbyters Donatus and Fortunatus, Novatus and Gordius wrote to me, I alone could write back nothing; since I established from the beginning of my episcopate to perform nothing individually by my <own> opinion without your counsel and without the consent of the people.  But when to you through the grace of God I will have come, then about those things which either were done or are to be done, just as mutual honor demands, we will handle in common."--Cotelier

     "The Church": The erudite Young most rightly established that the ancient writers of the early Church, etc.,which things see at the beginning of <his> Foreword[[B]].  But not only individual persons and overseers of the Churches, but the entire totality of the Churches exhibited this very thing.  Thus the Church <of Smyrna> gave letters to that which was in Pontus[[C]], the greatest part of which <letters> is <available> to read in Eusebius, "Ecclesiastical History", book 4, chapter 14, and those entire, if not more then entire through interpolations, <letters are available to read> from the edition of the most reverend Ussher of Armagh.  Thus also occurs the epistle of the Church of the Gauls at Vienna and Lyons, in the same Eusebius.  So far the form of the present epistle, prefixed with the name of the Roman Church, is not a matter of a single example.  But indeed it is also to be observed that the causes of this plan are to be demanded not so much from that fraternal charity and zeal by which once the minds of Christians were inflamed, than from the force and necessity of ecclesiastical rule and indivisible unity, which had conjoined all the faithful.  For whoever was hearing the member of any Church, immediately was immediately being connected to <all> others; and who deserved to be ejected from one, was considered assuredly banished by all.  Whence, <with> Tertullian reporting, <in> "On the <legal claim delimitations> against heretics": "So many and such great churches altogether <are> that first <church> from the apostles, from which <church> all <churches come>; thus all <are> first and all <are> apostolic, while they approve one unity.  The sharing of peace, and the title of brotherhood, and the <friendly contract> of hospitality: which rights no other reason rules than the one tradition of the same sacrament."  Which man's powerful, albeit broken up, meaning in words, as <he, Tertullian> is accustomed, Cyprian <more completely> brings forth to the Romans, <in> the "Book on the unity of the Church": "The episcopate is one, whose parts <individually> are held <as a whole>"; and Optatus of Milevis, book 2: "The entire world <is united> in one fellowship of communion by the exchange of <commendatory letters>."  Hence, St. Ignatius wrote epistles to the Smyrnaeans, the Ephesians, the Magnesians, the Philadelphians, the Trallians, and the Romans; Polycarp to the Philippians; Dionysius to the Lacedaemonians, the Athenians, the Nicomedians, the Cretans, the Ponticans, and the Romans; Cyprian to the Roman clergy, the clergy and people of the Hispanias, to the Numidians, the Thybaritans, the Furnitans, and the Assuritans; that I might not go down to writers of the following century.  Hence also the synodical epistles, the indicators of the faith that each bishop would profess, <derived> <their> origin.  Which indeed were sent not by cause of obedience, to the Roman seat, but to all Churches everywhere equally; with respect to which duty the Roman pontiff himself was not at all excepted, <with> Gelasius the first witnessing, who says: "<It> is the custom of the Roman Church <when> a priest <is> newly constituted, that he [set forth] to the holy Churches the outline of his faith."  Whence in <his> epistles 1 and 2[[D]] is had the confession of his faith to all the bishops of Dardania, and to others.  When which very thing Euphemius of Constantinople demanded from him, Gelasius responds: "This ecclesiastical rule was once among our fathers, for whom the one, catholic, and apostolic communion <remained established>  free from all pollution of <violators of duty>."  Epistle 9[[E]].  John the Deacon affirms in his <sc. Gregory's> Life that Gregory the Great presented the same <document>, which epistle is <available> to see in the <collected> Works which are extant, epistle 24.  But on the contrary neither were even the heresiarchs themselves lacking in this duty, but although the separated themselves off from the Church, nevertheless they even would strive with sufficiently perverse ambition to adhere to her.  From SocratesTheodoret, and others we learn with how much zeal the leaders of the Arian parties, <with> epistles written everywhere, and synods congregated, would commend themselves to the Churches.  Indeed,Montanus <busied himself about> it and <only just> did not obtain that he himself together with his prophets be admitted by Zephyrinus the Roman pontiff, if credibility is <to be given> to Tertullian in his cause <in the> "Book against Praxeas".  Thus also Marcion, <as> Epiphanius <testifies>, ejected by his father the Sinopean bishop, diligently strove to join himself to the same Roman Church: which things having been properly prepared beforehand, an easy approach will lie open to the following epistle[[F]].  Of course, when a most foul sedition, by far more wicked that that which was spreading in the times of the divine Paul, was tearing apart the Church of the Corinthians, it was to be expected that subsequently in view of the law and custom of the Church, both the seditious and also the bishops ejected through force and crime, <and also> at length the badly beaten Church itself put forward their complaints and inquiries, the mention of which immediately follows, and one and all receive a response, not only from the bishop, but, what we see done here, also from the very entirety of the Church.  Regarding the character of that epistle, <it is not needful> that much be said; since indeed it is allowed that it is by all means different from the Decretals which subsequent popes declared with an imperious style, <this> "most sufficient writing" <according to> St. Irenaeus, <according to> Eusebius "great and wondrous", <according to Jerome>, "very useful and quite similar to the Epistle to the Hebrews", deserved both at length to be publicly read by the whole Church and scarcely to be held <as> not catholic.--Fell

81. "The one sojourning": Young <in his> edition omits "the one"; which article Wotton restored from the manuscript.--Gallandi

     "Sojourning <at> Corinth": Perhaps "settling", in order to avoid redundancy, since "to settle" is the same as "to sojourn", as is <available> to see immediately in the beginning of the book of Ruth and elsewhere with the70 elders.[[G]]  Now, both words mean "to sojourn as a stranger", and rather often are used for the same, and in the same enunciation are applied toward greater force and vigor, as in Psalm 38:13: "I am a sojourner by you, and a <foreign visitor>, just as all my fathers," and 1Peter 2:11, "Beloved, I beseech you as sojourners and <foreign visitors>," etc.  Thus also the ancient inscription recently brought forth from the island of Delos, in the altar consecrated to Apollo by the Athenians, the Romans, and other travelers who on the island were of foreign birth, which <altar> it is permitted to see among the royal marbles in the Jacobean gardens[[H]].  Which place, if <you consider> the neighboring Pinacotheca conjoined to the most celebrated Library, if <you consider> the ancient coinage, Greek and Roman, if you consider the statues and images of bronze and marble, you can not unworthily name <it> a Treasure of antiquity and a <most well constructed> treasury.  The inscription itself in favor of those who are delight by endeavors of this sort, <it> will perhaps be not <contrary to the subject> to add, in which <inscription> we have filled out the letters rubbed away by age:

<Honoring> Theophrastus <son of> Heraclitus <of the deme of> Acharnia, having become the curator of Delos; of the Athenians and Romans and other foreigners, the ones inhabiting and sojourning in Delos, on account of virtue and gentlemanliness and reverence towards the gods, dedicated <this altar> to Apollo.[[I]]

Now, the state of the nascent Church, which under gentile emperors, and usually persecutors, nowhere possessed a stable and permanent place, but (just as once the patriarchs in tents and the Israelite people in the desert under tent skins) desiring the celestial fatherland <it> carried through a wandering and doubtful life in the lands just like a visitor and sojourner, these most apposite words, "to sojourn" and "to settle", graphically depict and place before our eyes <sc. the state of the nascent Church>.  For it would be tedious to go through the individual Fathers and collect from them the passages in which they denote indiscriminately with the same words the short span of human life, which they call a sojourn, and the unstable condition of the Church; the clearly splendid epistle to Diognetus thus speaks: "They inhabit their own countries, but as sojourners; they partake of all as citizens and they endure all as foreigners; every foreign <country> is their fatherland, and every fatherland, foreign," etc.--Young

     It should not at all be denied that "to sojourn" is very often the same as "to visit as a foreigner", and accordingly the translation of the most learned Young was rightly established; especially since it was the state of the nascent Church that under gentile and often persecuting emperors <it> nowhere possessed a stable and permanent place, but desiring the celestial fatherland, <it> carried through a wandering and doubtful life in the lands just like a visitor and sojourner.  "They have their own countries, but as sojourners; they partake of all as citizens and they endure all as foreigners; every foreign <country> is their fatherland, and every fatherland, foreign," as Justin[[J]] to Diognetus.  Meanwhile, however, it will be permitted to point out that "sojourners" here and there are by the most excellent authors called not only the foreign born and visitors, but <also> citizens and natives living in the vicinity; and <that> not only contiguous buildings, but <also> the pomeriumand the total suburban region wherever it lay open, and, that I may use the words of Theophilus the law professor, "all fields under <control of> the city," are added to cities; and what in the foremost looks towards the present matter, it is manifest that smaller Churches <took> <their relationships> and name from the mother <churches>.  Whence the Epistle of the divine Paul which is dedicated to the Corinthians, was sent to all Churches of all Achaea, <as> the Apostle himself <witnesses>; of course, "to the holy, the one being in all Achaea." II Cor 1.  Furthermore, the collections to be sent to Jerusalem, I Cor 16:1 and II Cor 8:9, pertained to all Achaea, which could be established from Rom 15:26 <and> II Cor 9:2.  Precisely <he, sc. Apollos> who <is reported> to have irrigated the Corinthians, I Cor 3:6, is reported to have have through all Achaea, Acts 18:27.  For the same reason when the Smyrnaean Church, <as reported> in Eusebius, book 4, chapter 14, dedicates its Epistle "to the sojourns throughout Pontus", also in the same place Dionysius, "of the sojourn in Corinth", <and> Philip, "of the sojourn of Gortynaeans", are cited <as> bishops; such that everywhere all regions come to be known <as> subject to those mother Churches and the same episcopal oversight.  Since indeed in ancient times, "paroecia" was almost the same <as> what <now under these circumstances> was called "dioecesis"[[K]].  Thus, canon 18 of the council of Ancyra: "If any bishops, having been established and not received by that sojourn to which they were named, should wish to enter into other sojourns and violate the established <bishops> and move seditions against them, let <these> be excommunicated."  And so in error are those who assert from the mention of many presbyters in this epistle to the Christians sojourning <at> Corinth, that the hierarchical administration had fallen, and <who> boast that the form and likeness of presbyterian <equality of privilege> is exhibited.--Fell

83. "On account of the sudden": From a keener inspection of the manuscript, thus read and published Wotton, the sentence <being> closed with "may be multiplied".  Pearson <thought> little otherwise.  Clearly, Youngand the reading [of the imperial codices] suffer from defect.  For to what is that <phrase>, "to individuals of you and to one another,"[[L]] appended?--Gallandi

     "To individuals of you": It perhaps alludes to the passage of Paul, I Thessalonians 3:12: "And may the Lord make you increase and abound in love towards one another and towards all, just as we towards you." However, I think <the phrase>, "to you specifically," should be read.--Young

84. "On account of [[...]] the misfortunes having happened": From these words Young most infers that it is apparently true that this epistle had been written up by Clement <when> placed in exile; but I think the matter is not of good reliability, if someone sent letters under another's name at which time it was established that he dwelt abroad, nor can <the matter> suit those [<in response> to whose words he declares that he wrote].  Besides, that solemn embassy which is reckoned at the end of the epistle, will be <used as> an argument that these things had not at all been transmitted from [an Island or Quarry][[M]].  And indeed if credibility is to be had for the anonymous author who wrote about the struggles, wanderings, life, and death of Peter and Paul, and is held in the Arundelian Library, at least in that persecution which bestowed the blessed Peter with martyrdom, our Clement was passed over and by privilege of birth remained unharmed[[N]].  For he says, "The soldiers, having forthwith gathered all, lead" (the Christians) "to the place of <judicial sentences>; and on the one hand they spare Clement, as <being> a relative of Caesar, but Herodian and Olympas, together with the multitude, they lead under the cut of the sword.  Whereas Peter the great apostle of the Lord, they affix invertedly to the cross."  Where by the way <it> is <worthwhile> to note that very many who wrote <on> the life of Clement, having before <their> eyes the majesty of subsequent pontiffs, dreamed that he arose from the imperial family; and <the things> which Dio had reported <in> book 67 about Fabius Clemens[[O]] the consul and husband of Flavia Domitilla, <they> added to the honors of our <Clement>.--Fell

     <The phrase,> "On account of [[...]] having happened", is to be connected with the preceding <words>, which thus from the Alexandrian codex are to be read :: "On account of sudden and successive misfortunes and befallings having happened to us": Not "specific to you".  The glory of England, John Pearson, sees that <it> is to be thus read.--Colomiès

85. [[P]]<While> the persecution of Domitian <was> evidently raging, which <persecution> begain in the year of Chirst 95.  At which time it was not at all permitted that the Roman Church assemble <in order that> enough might be done for the desires of the Corinthians.  <Those> who think that the calamities which Clement suffered <as> an exile are here mentioned, do not consider that he wrote under the name of the Roman Church, and such that he recounts not <his> private <tribulations>, but the tribulations common to himself with the Roman Church.--Coustant

86. "rather slowly": Others <have>, "rather slowly"; but Leclerc and <Anton> Birr <have>, "slow...turning"; that is: "We recognize that we have made a slow turning" (of mind).--Gallandi

87.  "We recognize": Young <has>, "we are distressed"; <but that is> sufficiently unsuitable.  Leclerc <has>, "we shall suppose", against the reliability of the manuscript.  Others with Wotton <have>, "we consider".  ButWettstein in <his> Prologue to the Greek New Testament, page 65, <has>, "we recognize",<as> more closely to the style of St. Paul, whom the holy Father <sc. Clement> makes use of here and there.  This reading is approved by Frey and Birr.--Gallandi

     "We are distressed": Towards filling out this lacuna, we first substituted the word, "we consider", indeed not <of> unsuitable meaning, but when later more diligently and with more careful eyes we examined the exemplar, and in front discerned the most minute trace <of the word>, "this", we did not hesitate to restore, "we are distressed", although it occurs rather rarely; now, "we are distressed", <according to> Hesychius, is "to fear and to suspect".--Young

     Guietius[[Q]] thinks that,"I cry out", is derived from, "I think".[[R]]--Fell

     Whatever they here contrive is either forced or barbaric.  It seems that, "we shall suppose that <we> have made a slow turning about the matters inquired after," should be read, that is, if it is thus permitted to speak in Latin, "we will seem to have made a tardy observation about the things which you were asking."  The meaning is, we will seem lately to have recalled to mind.--Leclerc

88. "to have made a turning": <The word>, "to be turned", and, "to make a turning", is <the same as>, 'to care for', 'to pay attention to', and 'to apply' or 'to direct the mind'.  Beyond the examples whichStephens brings forth, add, if it pleases, the distinguished passage from the Rhodian <oration> of Dio Chrysostom, so that you might not only learn the force and propriety of the word, but you might avoid base lucre that blinds the eyes of reason and the soul, and suffers to discern neither the just from the unjust or the virtuous from the base: "But this very <thing> is wretchedness, for the sake of gain and advantage, to turn from no shameful or unjust deed, nor to consider what sort <of thing is happening>, but only if it is profitable."--Young

89. "Beloved": The word [in its position] is both [disordered in place] and should be joined far from doubt to the word, "brothers", of the preceding page, which <thing> has been done by us in our translation, so that the perplexities of entangled expression both might be returned to their order and connection (as Jerome says about Pauline diction)[[S]], and the thread of words might run down more plainly and with an unencumbered basis.  Now, not except to children of rhetoricians was it permitted to suitably arrange and variously fashion.  Our Clement affects no embellishments or ornaments of oratory; his diction is simple, unpolished, and plainly unrhetorical; But[[T]] later <we will speak> more diffusely about his style and kind of writing.--Young

90. "To guests": Wotton with Cotelier and others reads, "of foreign"[[U]].  However, the manuscript reading is suitable, and seems to Mill <that it>  should be thus retained.  Of course, the holy Father hereupon censures schism, which is to be most of all deprecated by Christians, evidently <the> "guests" and, by the custom of <their> faithful forebears, foreigners in the land and chosen by God.  Tertullian, <in the> "Apology", chapter 1, addressing the overseers[[V]] who were observing the Christian religion: This religion "knows that it leads a sojourn in the lands, easily finds enemies among strangers: has another origin, seat, hope, grace, dignity in heaven."--Gallandi

91. "Of wicked and unholy": Ask of the grammarians whether four epithets are correctly applied to one substantive. Or <are> two from a gloss?--Bernard

92. "Into so much of senselessness": This is, "with so much fury they inflamed"; or thus "they inflamed", that they led the matter "to so much fury, such that your name was greatly disparaged"; this is, such that you are disreputable for your disagreements.  "Name" here <means> reputation.--Leclerc

93. "Worthy of love": He uses the same word <in> chapter 21.  By which it happens that I marvel that it is asserted by a man <who remembers much>, David Blondel, in the preface of the "Apology for the opinion of Jerome", page 40, that that <sort> of word is not present in our epistle.--Cotelier

94. "In the laws": Clement of Alexandria <has>, "in the customary <things>".  Which is the genuine reading, as is clear from sections 30 and 40.  In the same Clement, "Miscellanies", book 1, Nymphodorus <of Amphipolis> "in the third <volume> of the customs of Asia", is praised and elsewhere "in the barbarian customs".  By which name Aristotle had written a volume, praised by Varro <in> book 6, "On Laws", and byApollonius in "Marvelous Histories".--Colomiès

     In Greek [with] Clement of Alexandria, that, "in the customary <things>", should be read, the similar phrasing near the end of number 3 supports: "So that he might render to them a guarantee...since they have kept the legal things of God"[[W]].--Coustant

95. "being subject", up to, "innermost parts", <in> chapter 2: These deeds <are> from the Pauline <epistles>, and <they are> [out of their own place], as the grammarians say.--Bernard

96. "you enjoined to think august things": Perhaps "you impelled", or "you maintained" or rather "you brought up", which is the same <as> "you educated", that is, you established and inspired from <since there were> young--Young

97. "To work at home": In place of, "to work at home", Lord Bois, canon of Ely, a faultless and serious man and by far most experienced in this genre of literature, which his most erudite notes on Chrysostom testify, by whose <sc. Bois's> industry in this work <sc. Clement's epistle> we profess that we have not insignificantly been aided, <he, Bois> advised that, "to keep house", should be read.  For since he had by chance fallen upon our transcript, in which beyond the filled out lacunas <there were> then <none of> our emendations, but <only> the original copy set forth by the best confidence and with all wrinkles and blemishes, which we had proposed later to be emended and through leisure to be cleansed, he could not restrain himself, that he did not observe various things; for which things as to him, although from a face still unknown, we give the greatest thanks; thus we do not wish to conceal others through whom we have advanced even the slightest.  However, we think <the verb>, "to work alone", is more suitable to this passage, since indeed the author adds, "the matters regarding the household".  For in a strong woman, such as Solomon described <in> the final <chapter> of Proverbs, not only is required that she keep herself at home and rarely go forth in public; which <woman> the Apostle <in the epistle> to Titus 2:5, calls a "good housekeeper", and Clement of Alexandria in <the> second <book of> "Miscellanies" most elegantly expresses: "She who is guarding, shuts off the many exits of the house as is possible for her, <shuts off> from the appearance towards <those who do not belong>, <she> considering the housekeeping more serviceable than untimely triviality": but also, [it is becoming that the diligent <woman> be the image of a bee], and not "have an idle hand", but "for <her> man, to be active towards good things all life <long>", as <it> is in <the writings of> the most wise king, in the same place <sc. Proverbs>.  Whence the same Clement <of Alexandria> <says> in "Pedagogy", book 3: "But personal labor confers especially upon women legitimate beauty, training their bodies and ordering <them through themselves>; employing not the order labored upon by them <which is> disorderly, and servile, and meretricious, but the <order> of each prudent woman through her <own> hands, [whenever she most of all desires], [sufficient and complete]."  And above <in> chapter 10 of the same book he enumerates various species "of womanly personal labor", "wool-spinning", evidently, "weaving", etc., to which <book?> we refer you.--The same <sc. Young>

     It is not sufficient for a Christian mother of the household "to keep house", <i.e.,> to care for the house, unless like that <celebrated> strong mother of the household, which Solomon describes <in> the final <chapter> of Proverbs, she brings <her> hand to labor.  Rightly Young <translates>, "to administer with discretion", <but> perhaps more correctly would be said, "to administer decorously" or "with matronly seriousness".--Fell

My Notes
A. The Greek phrase apparently means, "with his identity unconcealed".  I'm not sure where this figure of speech comes from.

B. Migne has a note here referring the reader to this at "column 45, above".

C. This refers to the Martyrdom of Polycarp.

D. In Migne's numbering (Pat. Lat. 59) these are apparently the epistles numbered 11 and 13.

E.  Epistle 1 in Migne's PL 59.

F.  This may refer to the second epistle of Clement, since Fell republished both.  But I'm not sure.

G. The actual reading appears to be "paroikein" in both places.

H. I suppose this means the gardens of king James.

I.  cf. ID 1646. Note the Greek use of the accusative for the dedicatory honorand.

J. The epistle to Diognetus was thought to be written by Justin Martyr.

K. I'm not sure that this equivalence holds, since "dioecesis" seems to refer specifically to management of affairs, i.e., setting the house in order.  Based on what is said earlier in the note, perhaps he means to say "katoecesis"?

L. This appears to be Young's reading of the manuscript.

M. The note capitalizes the words, perhaps to indicate the metonymy for exile?

N. This may refer to the Clementine Recognitions, wherein it is claimed that Clement is of noble Roman birth.

O.  Either Fell is mistaken, or Fabius is a manuscript variant for Flavius.

P. This note is attached to the corresponding section of the Latin translation.

Q.  I cannot determine who this is.

R. The text of this note contains both the active and middle voice forms of each verb.  I have suppressed the doubling in translation, since it's not clear how to render them, nor does it seem pertinent to the matter at hand.

S. cf. Jerome, Epistle 121 or 151, "To Algasia on the 11 Questions", chapter 10.

T.  Migne has skipped over this sentence transition.

U. The feminine adjective modifying the subsequent, "sedition".

V. Migne ungrammatically leaves this as the nominative singular.

W.  This citation is from the Vision 1, 3 of Hermas.  I'm not quite sure how one is supposed to infer that from Coustant's note.  I'm guessing that Clement of Alexandria is mentioned because he cites this passage of Hermas, but I'm not sure.